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Could our Failed Political Systems Propel Ann Waiguru To Presidency?

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Kenyan political systems grapple with a subject matter that is today in constant flux. The Politicians must deal not only with the major processes of growth, decay, and breakdown but also with a ceaseless ferment of adaptation and adjustment. The magnitude and variety of the changes that occurred in the  political systems beginning in the early 90’s pioneered by the late Matiba and Kibaki suggest the dimensions of the problems right from their inceptions. Great empires disintegrated; multi-parties emerged, flourished briefly, and then vanished; new ideologies swept the country and shook established cartels from power; all but a few administrators experienced at least one revolution; domestic politics in every level was contorted by social strife and economic crisis; and everywhere the nature of political life was changed by novel forms of political activity, new means of mass communication, the enlargement of popular participation in politics, the rise of new political issues, the extension of the scope of governmental activity, all this among others were to shape the future of our country.

We have at last gotten to a point where a crisis situations test the stability of political systems in extremely revealing ways, for they place extraordinary demands on the political leadership and the structure and processes of the system. Since the quality of the political leadership is often decisive, those systems that provide methods of selecting able leaders and replacing them possess important advantages. Although leadership ability is not guaranteed by any method of selection, it is more likely to be found where there is free competition for leadership positions. The availability of established methods of replacing leaders is equally, if not more, important, for the result of crises is often to disgrace the leaders in power, and, if they cannot be replaced easily, their continued incumbency may discredit the whole regime.

The stamina and resolve of the ruling elite are also important. It is often said that a united elite, firmly believing in the justice of its own cause and determined to employ every measure to maintain its power, will not be overthrown. Most revolutions have gotten under way not when the oppression was greatest but only after the government had lost confidence in its own cause. However when this processes fail miserably then the people who get to the offices or the most corrupt since the democracy is naturally replace by capitalism. In this case we are leading as an example, a good case in hand could be that we get to reward those accused of corruption as they gain mileage from the air coverage on their cases.

In the current Era the political systems have been evading the effectiveness of the structures and processes of government in meeting the demands placed on them. At times the political systems suffer violent breakdown when channels of communication fail to function effectively, when institutional structures and processes fail to resolve conflicts among demands and to implement acceptable policies, and when the system ceases to be viewed as responsive by the individual and groups making demands on it. Usually, a system has failed over a period of some time to satisfy persistent and widespread demands; then, exposed to the additional strains of a crisis situation, it is unable to maintain itself. Revolutions and other forms of violent collapse are thus rarely sudden catastrophes but rather the result of a process of considerable duration that comes to its climax when the system is most vulnerable, however they are averted by handshakes or rather what is known as handcheque.

The fundamental causes of such failures appear to be the lack of a widespread sense of the legitimacy of state authority and the absence of some general agreement on appropriate forms of political action. Governments suffer their gravest handicap when they must govern without consent or when the legitimacy of the regime is widely questioned. The problem is often most acute where there is a pretender to the throne, a government in exile, a neighbouring state sympathetic to a rebel cause, or some other focus for the loyalty of dissidents. To some degree, also, the problem of legitimacy confronts all newly established regimes. Many of the postcolonial countries of Africa and Asia, for example, found it a source of great difficulty. Often they emulated the form of Western institutions but failed to achieve their spirit: borrowing eclectically from Western political philosophies and systems of law, they created constitutional frameworks and institutional structures that lacked meaning to their citizens and that failed to generate loyalty or a sense that government exercises rightful powers.

It’s my assumption that, thanks this failure we may be celebrating a woman president in the near future, to be more elaborate I have one in mind, but not the usual one Ruth Odinga but rather the well seasoned and fast learner Anne Waiguru. Her recent political alignments and partnerships give me chills as I see her way of doing things, as focused as ever. She holds a Masters degree in Economic Policy from the University of Nairobi, and, has specialised in public finance, financial management systems, been to different ministerial position and more important ousted one Martha Karua who has been a hard nut to crack for many. It’s my final submission that this kind of leaders who always emerge scandals right left center, are as a result of failed political systems.

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